Foundations and Frontiers of Deliberative Governance
Goodin Robert and List Christian. Goodin Robert E. Goodin Robert. Oxford : Oxford University Press. Gouinlock James. Gutmann Amy and Thompson Dennis. Democracy and Disagreement. Princeton : Princeton University Press. Hayek F. Haraway Donna.
Hong Lu and Page Scott. Knight Jack and Johnson James. Lafont Cristina. Landemore Helene. Democratic Reason. Mill John Stuart. Misak Cheryl. Owen David and Smith Graham. Parkinson John. Peter Fabienne.
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Foundations and frontiers of deliberative governance
A Theory of Justice. Talisse Robert. Thompson Dennis. Trout J. Penguin Press.
Warren Mark and Pearse H. Cambridge University Press.
- John Dryzek.
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Young Iris Marion. Inclusion and Democracy. Oxford University Press. Wacquant 57—8. The phrase comes from Misak but I am using the phrase for my purpose. Theorists as diverse Habermas Parkinson Goodin Dryzek Mansbrige and Parkinson and Owen and Smith offer a variety of articulations of the systemic turn. Author: John B.
Foundations and Frontiers of Deliberative Governance
Min 1. Keywords: inclusion ; epistemic benefits of deliberation ; deliberative democracy ; epistemic democracy ; Deweyan experimentalism. Restricted Access. The authors demonstrate that deliberative democracy is no longer limited to theory but is successfully organized into many policy practices. They argue that lessons from these practices can be learned for improving the design of experiments with deliberations, for democratization of networked governance, and for advanced theoretical development of deliberative democ- racy.
Moreover, they argue that deliberative democracy can be extended to other domains beyond the liberal democratic state, for example global politics and the global political economy. There is even some prophesy in the book about the current Arabic Spring: the authors argue that authoritarian regimes might be transformed with an increased delibera- tive capacity of their inhabitants. Overall, this is an excellent book that proposes interesting thoughts and practical solutions from deliberative governance.
However, it leaves the reader with some unanswered questions, for example, what is reflectivity, does rhetoric induce it, and is reflectivity a condition to be a good rhetorician? Foundations and Frontiers of Deliberative Governance brings together empirical research and theoretical debates, and addresses key challenges in four parts.
In doing so, they develop a systematic and consistent discursive approach of governance.
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Moreover, the authors add a discursive dimension to representation: no per- sons need to be depicted, but discourses. They argue that one person can have conflicting values that can best be expressed in a variety of discourses. Discursive representatives can bring in one or more discourses and defend them in deliberations. Their conflicting values are no longer a problem in representation, but part of the solution. This is the point at which Dryzek also introduces rhetoric as part of deliberation: it is effective rhetoricians that can be good discursive representatives.
Rhetoric is needed, as he argues, to bridge or bond discourses p. Through rhetoric actors emphasize or align differences p. It can create meta-consensus in which participants are able to recognize the legitimacy of disrupted val- ues, they can accept the credibility of disputed beliefs, and agree on the nature of disrupted choices cf. One way to do so would be to understand rhetoric as a form that enables one to speak without restraints or fear Foucault It can be a way to cross discursive boundaries that others would not traverse.
Rhetoric, fearless speech, and reflectivity seem to be vital ingredient for a deliberative democracy. The foundations of deliberative governance come together in a remarkable and inspir- ing proposal for a practical institutional change: a Chamber of Discourses. In this Chamber deliberating groups are brought together on a specific issue.
Participants represent all rel- evant discourses. They deliberate and try to arrive at a legitimate collective decision that resonates with the constellation of discourses present in the public sphere. In line with the practical turn in deliberative democracy theory, the authors also address questions about how to do all this. How does one map all discourses, find discursive representatives and hold them accountable?
Interestingly, the authors see an important role for deliberative policy analysts: they can identify discourses and help find good representatives for them.
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However, this raises the problem of the power of knowledge as it possibly creates a too prominent position for interpretative policy analyses in decision-making. This part of the book considers deliberation in authoritarian regimes, networked governance, global politics, and global political econ- omy. To illustrate, Dryzek points out — as Theodore Lowi did in — that the problem with the ever-growing enthusiasm for networked governance as a steering mechanism is that it easily becomes undemocratic. The authority of the sovereign state can dissolve into networks with no elected representatives and no mechanisms to hold participants and outcomes accountable to the rest of society.
Thus, even though networks can be delibera- tive, they are not necessarily inclusive or accountable. Moreover, from a discursive view, a single discourse can dominate a network, making it even less democratic.
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The author identifies similar possible democratic deficits in global politics and the political economy. However, networked governance, global politics and the political economy can become more democratic when we consider them as deliberative systems that need to represent a variety of discourses. Two other domains are addressed in this part of the book: forums with discursive design mostly within democratic states and deliberative forums within authoritarian states.
The chapter on designed spaces in democratic states offers important empirical evidence about how these deliberative settings contribute to building consensus on specific issues and if and how people learn. The chapter on authoritarian states demonstrates that already ongo- ing deliberative capacity building at the local level is a promising avenue for democratic reforms.